Pass or Fail: How Can Interventions Reform Retention Rates?

pass or fail

In this multi-part series, I provide a dissection of the phenomenon of retention and social promotion. Also, I describe the many different methods that would improve student instruction in classrooms and eliminate the need for retention and social promotion if combined effectively.

While reading this series, periodically ask yourself this question: Why are educators, parents and the American public complicit in a practice that does demonstrable harm to children and the competitive future of the country?

What, if anything, can be done to address the high rate of retention at schools with a significant number of at risk students? Will additional resources, after school programming and increased parental support change retention rates?

Schools with higher populations of students at risk for retention will likely have higher retention rates. In 2010, the Spencer School in Chicago, retained one-third of the third-grade class. The number of third-grade classrooms also increased during the subsequent school year, with each classroom containing twenty-eight students. While the school principal and staff were committed to addressing the problem of a large number of retained students, their strategies needed to work within the context of existing structures and resources.

Volunteers came in to help retained students, as well as those students who displayed low achievement when entering third grade as new students. A school enrichment teacher also worked with students who were reading above grade level, so that teachers could concentrate on students working at or below grade level. Low-achieving students could receive additional help at an after school program, although attendance was voluntary and tended to be low.

Educators at Spencer made attempts to get parents more involved, and they appeared to meet with some success in this. After all, it’s true that parents are quite motivated to intervene and assist their children when possible, especially when there is guidance from teachers and other educators. Considering the rate of third-grade retention alone, however, there appeared to be insufficient parental involvement: approximately 40 parents, out of 116 third graders, came to an information session designed to let parents know what they could do to support their child’s education success.

Students and faculty at schools with high numbers of retained students experience significant stress and strain outside of the normal range associated with school experiences and testing. So much more is on the line when retention is the norm, instead of an exception. Preparation periods for tests to determine promotion are particularly stressful and supports for students and teachers are often lacking.

The pressure experienced by traditional schools because of high retention rates does not necessarily exist at charter schools, where retention rates tend to be higher. Charter schools report retention rates of 23 percent, compared to 1–4 percent retention rates in urban centers like New York and Houston. A 2008–09 retention report from thirty-one charter schools in New York City indicated that 16 percent of sixth graders were retained.

This compared to 1 percent of seventh and eighth graders in the city as a whole (city sixth graders were not included in the comparison since the sixth-grade retention policy did not begin until the following year). The Knowledge as Power Program (KIPP), which is a network of charter schools throughout the nation, also has a retention rate higher than traditional public schools. The organization proclaims that its retention rate is a result of strict policies – unbending rules about holding students to a higher standard of performance than traditional public schools.

Charter schools, however, do not necessarily alleviate the high retention rate, though. In fact, the elevated numbers of students repeating a grade level may be symptoms of a rigorous academic program and high expectations set for students. Leaders insinuate that retention at charter schools is different from retention at traditional public schools, and deny that retention has a negative impact on students in the charter school context. They also suggest that retention is such a common practice at charters that students do not necessarily feel stigmatized.

While high retention rates may be the result of strict adherence to requirements for mastery, a parallel outcome is that charters such as KIPP can report high college attendance rates. Some low-performing children weed themselves out by returning to traditional schools once they become aware of their retention. Charter schools also exclude these retained children from their graduation rates. On the other hand, some low-performing children do better as they repeat a grade. Occasionally, however, there is an indication that the improved achievement is short-lived.

Various researchers have concluded that retention is not the solution for social promotion. Retention and social promotion policies are less about learning, overall, and more about maintaining the structure of schooling as it exists today. Some retention policies come with interventions that are meant to support education policy and not necessarily a high level of student learning.

Do charter schools have the right idea in their approach to retention? What could public schools learn from the way charter schools view and endorse retention?

Pass or Fail: Intervention, Early and Often

pass or fail

In this multi-part series, I provide a dissection of the phenomenon of retention and social promotion. Also, I describe the many different methods that would improve student instruction in classrooms and eliminate the need for retention and social promotion if combined effectively.

While reading this series, periodically ask yourself this question: Why are educators, parents and the American public complicit in a practice that does demonstrable harm to children and the competitive future of the country?

When it comes to getting rid of our current pass-fail system, I have developed six strategies (click to see them all). The last strategy is the provision of intervention opportunities.

Under this program, assessments, as well as many other indicators, would trigger one or more remedial interventions. To implement this strategy teachers need clear-cut ways to identify a child who needs extra help, as well as the knowledge and training to be able to make use of the extra resources required. There is strong evidence that such intervention programs can prevent more serious academic problems from occurring in later grades.

A system for intervening early and often has already established to some extent. Across the country, there are already many school districts that make employ early-intervention services, including intermediate unit support systems, early childhood support systems and, of course, school-aged support systems that help children in school as early as the first time a child walks through the school door.

The changes needed to promote intervention are like those we have already suggested for improving teacher quality: measures that intensify policies and procedures that have worked well in the past, perhaps modifying them somewhat to meet specific, contextual requirements.

Research has overwhelmingly supported the notion that early intervention – and the earlier, the better – is truly the key to helping students achieve school-readiness and to developing strategies for success. The early-intervention model proposed in this book not only embraces that principle but seeks to celebrate it as a focus of collaboration between those responsible for the early interventions (preschool-age interventions) and the schools, which take charge as a child transitions to school-age programming.

Promoting collaboration as well as early and frequent interventions is a strategy that seeks to build community support for education, and for public education specifically. It seeks to emphasize the need for support across all settings and the benefits of a comprehensive support model. The strategy seeks to eliminate the need for children to be segregated based on special needs. Rather, the only segregation or streaming allowed in education should be based on academic abilities and learning preferences. Schools can easily support the streaming of groups with certain abilities without having to target students with special needs.

The proposed model of frequent and intensive interventions, especially in the early years, allows for a broad, quality education that addresses far more than performance on tests. If the goal is truly to prepare students for a lifetime of learning, the emphasis on early education, in particular, should be more on the acquisition of learning skills than on the on the accumulation of knowledge. The primary goal of K-12 education really ought to be the development of the ability to think critically and to learn how to function effectively within a school environment.